Rabat's Plan to Open Israeli Embassadors Meets a Wave of Street Anger

RABAT — Moroccan cities have been swept by a new round of pro-Palestine demonstrations, with protesters pressing for an end to diplomatic normalisation with Israel at a moment when

Rabat's Plan to Open Israeli Embassadors Meets a Wave of Street Anger

RABAT — Moroccan cities have been swept by a new round of pro-Palestine demonstrations, with protesters pressing for an end to diplomatic normalisation with Israel at a moment when Rabat is moving to formalise and deepen its relationship with Tel Aviv. The latest mobilisation unfolded on September 27, closing three days of action organised by the Moroccan Front for Supporting Palestine and Against Normalisation, according to Al Jazeera.

The protests followed closely on the heels of a September 16 announcement that Morocco and Israel intend to upgrade their diplomatic missions to full embassies and exchange ambassadors. That decision, confirmed at a trilateral meeting in New York, has become the focal point of a growing domestic campaign that frames normalisation as incompatible with Morocco's stated support for Palestinians.

Organisers say the response stretched far beyond the capital. On September 25, the Moroccan Committee for Supporting the Nation's Causes said it had coordinated 76 separate events across 45 cities under the banner "Friday for Al-Aqsa and against normalisation." Moroccan media reported gatherings in Rabat, Casablanca, Marrakesh, Tangier, Fez, Agadir, Oujda, Tetouan, Kenitra and Sale. The 76-event figure comes from the committee itself, and no independent national count of participants is available.

In Rabat, demonstrators assembled outside the country's parliament building. In Marrakesh, what began as a gathering turned into a procession through several central streets, Moroccan outlet Lakome reported. The character of the protests varied from city to city, but the slogans were consistent: opposition to the Abraham Accords-era relationship with Israel and solidarity with Gaza.

Authorities have also moved to curb the demonstrations. In Tangier, local officials issued a decision banning a protest that had been planned for September 27. Outlet Achkayen, citing its own sources, later reported that security forces dispersed hundreds of participants and that more than a dozen people were detained. Lakome also reported that authorities prevented demonstrations in M'diq, while security forces surrounded a gathering in Agadir in an effort to stop it from turning into a march.

The Moroccan Committee for Supporting the Nation's Causes condemned what it described as a pattern of bans, restrictions and arrests. The crackdown has added a second dimension to the dispute: for opponents of normalisation, the state's willingness to repress peaceful assembly appears to confirm their belief that the relationship with Israel is being pursued against the grain of public sentiment.

Analysts say the September 16 agreement goes well beyond the mere restoration of ties. Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita and Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar met in New York at a trilateral summit hosted by US Ambassador to the United Nations Mike Waltz. Beyond the upgrade of diplomatic missions, the two countries agreed to negotiate agreements on investment protection and the avoidance of double taxation, expand direct air links, and arrange high-level reciprocal visits — a package pointing toward institutional, economic and transport integration.

For campaigners, that programme represents another phase of a policy they have opposed since 2020, when Morocco restored diplomatic relations with Israel as part of the US-brokered Abraham Accords framework. The restoration was tied to Washington's recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara, a linkage that continues to shape Rabat's calculations today.

Kathya K Berrada, a senior programmes manager at the Arab Center for Research, said the timing of the embassy agreement is what has transformed the debate. "Normalisation is being consolidated at a time when the war in Gaza has generated unprecedented public anger and intense images of Palestinian suffering," she told Al Jazeera, adding that what is visible in Morocco is a widening gap between official diplomacy and popular feeling.

Moroccan activist Mouna Rahiani echoed that assessment, pointing to polling data that suggests overwhelming public resistance. Citing the latest Arab Opinion Index, she said 89 percent of Moroccans surveyed opposed their country recognising Israel, while only six percent supported it. In her view, the contrast is stark: the state is moving toward deeper, more formal relations with Israel even as citizens continue to take to the streets to argue that the Palestinian question cannot be separated from Morocco's own political and moral obligations.

Berrada cautioned against reading too much into any single survey, arguing that there is not enough reliable public data to determine precisely how many Moroccans support or oppose normalisation. The tension between a state policy of engagement and a street movement of dissent nevertheless remains the defining feature of the current moment.

The Western Sahara dimension adds further weight. The UN Security Council is expected to consider the mandate of the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) in October, and its current authorisation runs only until October 31, 2026. The September 16 trilateral statement came against the backdrop of US recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over the territory and of Israel's support for Rabat's position — meaning that Israel's value to Morocco as a partner is tied directly to the Western Sahara file.

For Rabat, the Israel relationship thus sits inside a wider framework in which its alliance with Washington and international backing for its territorial position remain central. For opponents of normalisation, that strategic arithmetic offers no answer to their core objection. As the article's reporting suggests, the September agreement has not settled the argument between the Moroccan government and its critics — it has sharpened it, setting official policy against a public that remains highly mobilised, and now heavily policed.

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Editor Olahraga. Mantan jurnalis olahraga cetak. Meliput Piala Dunia 3 edisi.

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